Les Downs Plays "I Saw Three Ships" from Bruce Prescott on Vimeo.
Dr. Les Downs opens his 2010 Christmas Eve piano recital at NorthHaven Church in Norman, Oklahoma by playing "I Saw Three Ships."
Les Downs Plays "I Saw Three Ships" from Bruce Prescott on Vimeo.
Les Downs Plays "I Wonder as I Wander" from Bruce Prescott on Vimeo.
Les Downs Plays "Go Tell It on the Mountain" from Bruce Prescott on Vimeo.
Les Downs Plays "We Three Kings" from Bruce Prescott on Vimeo.
Les Downs Plays "Rise Up, Shepherds, and Follow" from Bruce Prescott on Vimeo.
Dr. Les Downs Plays a Traditional French Carol from Bruce Prescott on Vimeo.
Les Downs plays Angels from the Realms of Glory from Bruce Prescott on Vimeo.
Dr. Les Downs Plays Fum, Fum, Fum from Bruce Prescott on Vimeo.
Note: If the video does not load from the link on the picture, click on the title to this blog to go to the source video.
Robert Parham Interviews Sultan Swalehe Zomboko from Bruce Prescott on Vimeo.
Muslims and Baptists Working Together to fight Malaria in Africa from Bruce Prescott on Vimeo.
T Thomas, a Baptist, of HisNets and Orhan Osman, a Muslim, of the Institute of Interfaith Dialog explain to villagers in Tanzania why they are working together to fight malaria in Africa.Bethlehem Night from Bruce Prescott on Vimeo.
I find no fault with those who led us out of Egypt; but it is helpful to acknowledge the impact of key organizational foundation stones. Early in the life of CBF, it was decided the only thing one could build a denomination around was missions. Consequently, CBF missions became our primary entree. Other traditional entrees on denominational menus were quickly turned into side dishes: literature publication, theological education, annuity and health services and a variety of ethical and social concerns. Now, we are discovering a single entrée will not sustain a broad clientele. There are many people who love good home-cooked missions, but there is a much larger potential audience who like a variety of full entrees, not just one.CBF has been especially timid in addressing ethical issues and social concerns. I am convinced that our failure to collectively take a prophetic stand against our government's pre-emptive warfare, human rights violations, and use of torture has undermined the credibility of our witness. When the world desperately needed the citizens of God's kingdom to be a voice for justice and speak truth to power, we were silent.
Lown, who had been an employee at the Salvation Army for twenty-four years and oversaw 800 workers, said religion had never had anything to do with her job. As long as she'd been there, the New York social services division had been independent from the evangelical side of the organization. Her office ran more public programs than any Salvation Army division in the United States, most of them for children. Almost all of the money came from the state and local government, and Lown assumed that it would be illegal to infuse taxpayer-funded services with Christianity. Her division had gay, Jewish, Muslim, and Hindu employees, reflecting the city it served. (p. 130)Before this administration took office, it was "illegal to infuse taxpayer-funded services with Christianity." When those responsible for enforcing the law and upholding the constitution refuse to do so -- and actively work to undermine it -- anything is permitted.
According to the complaint filed by the NYCLU, Kelly asked the human resources director at the Salvation Army headquarters, Maureen Schmidt, whether one of the human resource staffers at the social services division, Margaret Geissman, was Jewish, because she had a "Jewish sounding name."Schmidt told him she was not. Geissman, who described herself to me as a conservative Catholic, told me that Schmidt then started asking her to point out gay and non-Christian employees at the division. She refused to answer, but day after day Schmidt kept pushing. "She said Kelly wanted to know and that eventually they were going to find out about everyone," Geissman told me. "She said the new vision for the Salvation Army was to have Christians and Salvationists and not to have homosexuals." (p. 131)
“Everyone should have the freedom to give an opinion without being called names,” Sasnett said. “There are always going to be differences of opinion that are irreconcilable, but the opinions must be expressed in a way that is not abusive.”
. . .
Sasnett said he would like to see more small-group initiatives where those with opposing viewpoints could express themselves “in a respectful way.”
On TopTenUSA.org, visitors will find lists of the 10 best choices for each product category, along with pricing, specifications, local and online retail options, and personalized rebate information.
“We want to make it easy for consumers to find, choose, and buy the most efficient products on the market,” said Norman L. Dean, President of TopTen USA. “We’re spurring an upward spiral toward efficiency—the more consumers demand it, the more emphasis manufacturers will place on efficiency. Rather than copying technology to meet a standard, manufacturers will be innovating to be the best.”
“Would large-scale, free-market reforms improve educational outcomes for American children? This question cannot be reliably answered by looking exclusively at domestic evidence, much less by looking exclusively at existing “school choice” programs. Though many such programs have been implemented around the United States, none has created a truly free and competitive educational marketplace, being too small, too restriction laden, or both. To understand how genuine market forces affect school performance, we must cast a wider net, surveying educational systems from all over the globe.” (p. 31)Then Coulson describes the utopian conditions that are required for vouchers to be effective:
“I found that school choice and direct payment of fees by parents, autonomy for educators, minimal regulation, vigorous competition among schools, and the profit motive for at least some portion of schools were associated with the most effective and responsive educational systems. The lack of even one or two of these characteristics was associated with inferior outcomes.” (p. 32) (Emphasis mine)
. . .
“A free education market is defined here as a set of competing, minimally regulated, parent-chosen private schools whose tuition prices are not strictly controlled by the state and that are funded (at least in part) directly by parents.” (p. 32) (Emphasis mine)In Coulson’s ideal world vouchers would provide even the poorest parents with the means needed to directly fund a quality education for their children. In the real world, however, vouchers don’t cover the costs of education in a good private school. Research has shown that the primary beneficiaries of vouchers were students from wealthier families. In Arizona, the state with the most recent school voucher case to come before the Supreme Court, only 12% of the students using vouchers for private schooling transferred from a public school. Most of the vouchers are going to students who were already attending non-public schools. (Kevin Welner, NeoVouchers
It is good for Mohler to talk about how churches should show love to gay people. But first things first. Before Southern Baptists can become more loving in their interactions with gay people in their midst, they must start by allowing gay people to come into their midst – and by welcoming them just as they are, as children of God.
No one is asking Southern Baptists to lie about their beliefs. But an essential first step for churches that want to show Christian care to gay people is to open their doors to gay people.
This is yet another one of those instances in which creationists try to have it both ways: creationism is religion when it's convenient accuse people of religious discrimination, and it's science when they're trying to get it into the public school curriculum.
"There is no data to support the stance that the way you grow the economy is to cut taxes on the wealthy and support corporate giveaways," said Martire, a Catholic. "In fact, all the data runs the opposite."
"Trickle-down has never worked," he continued. "The data are compelling."
"Our economy grew its best late '40s, after World War II, '50s and '60s, up until 1970, when low-income working families and middle-income families had their greatest growth in income,"
Martire said. "In real terms, after inflation, these families were getting paid more every year. And by getting paid more, they could spend more in the local economy and in the national economy."
Martire added that with the U.S. economy being nearly 70 percent consumer spending, growth in the bottom and middle sectors of wage-earners meant that "the entire economy took off."It is obvious that we are now living in a banana republic. I wonder what a chart of the wealth distribution of the U.S. population by percentiles in the 50's and 60's would look like.
The Wall Street Journal reported that major U.S. "securities and investment-service firms" are ready to break the record a second year in a row for pay – compensation and benefits – to employees. Last year these companies dished out $433 billion; this year the projected total is $448 billion.
But evidently this wasn't enough to satisfy the highly paid employees. First they complained that the newly adopted reforms would limit their bonuses – bonuses that would have increased their compensation even more. And then, along with other wealthy folks, they've now become highly incensed that their tax rates will revert back to those in force during the Clinton administration – that is, before the tax cuts of the George W. Bush administration – as they were supposed to by bipartisan agreement.
It's an injustice, they claim. It's taking away money to which they think they're entitled.
I don't think evangelicals can continue to practice the rhetoric that they are an embattled minority group, because they are not. It's a successful rhetorical strategy, but it's empirically invalid. Evangelicals are significant players on the national stage, and they are not some marginalized group that sits on the sidelines of American culture. That said, they will have to do more to build bridges and alliances with non-evangelicals than they have done in the past. The only way that they will actually bring about social change is through alliances and coalitions on particular issues. At the same time, my hope is that they will retain their distinctive evangelistic fervor, which has served them well over the last hundred years.In my opinion, the only way evangelicals will be able to relate with people of other convictions is for them to develop a genuine sense of humility. The evangelical quest for certainty of belief leads to arrogance among those who think they have found it and hostility toward those who decline to share the same religio-politico-moral perspective.
As far as building bridges and alliances, one way in which the Religious Right has been criticized, and now the Religious Left is open to critique, is for becoming overly implicated with a political party, or becoming apologists for the party in general and not just on the points that led you to form the alliance in the first place. Those who have allied with the Right or with the Left can, when that party is in power, become court prophets who merely tell the king whatever the king wants to hear. So how do you form coalitions in particular issues without becoming so beholden to the party that you lose the ability to speak prophetically over against it?
We have to establish a deep relational network that can withstand tension and disagreement. Evangelicals have not been very good at building relational bridges, meaning personal friendships with those in leadership positions who are outside the evangelical community. This is where there is a real possibility of improvement in the days ahead.
"Sacred Texts, Social Duty" was originally produced as an ABC-TV interfaith special. However, network gatekeepers refused to air the program without the removal of the 10-minute segment evaluating regressivity/progressivity, sales taxes on food, and the lottery as a predatory form of taxation.An essay today by Robert Parham reveals how contentious honest dialogue about taxes has become in our society. Responding to a Tea Party suggestion that the government turn all charitable work over to the churches, Wayne Flint responds in an interview for the documentary:
EthicsDaily.com was unwilling to gut the program of its moral witness.
"Broadcasting an hour-long documentary on sacred texts without an application of moral teachings to the public square says that religion is irrelevant, that faith has nothing to say to social justice, that the current tax system is a good one from a faith perspective," says Robert Parham, executive director of EthicsDaily.com. "Watering down the moral witness for the sake of an ABC broadcast is too much of a compromise."
He responded, "OK, I accept your argument. There are 10,000 communities of faith – Muslim, Jewish, Baptist, Baha'i, Buddhist, Shintoist – in Alabama... Let's divide 10,000 communities of faith into the 740,000 people and how many does your church get?"Here's a link to order the DVD or view additional clips from the DVD.
Noting that many of these communities of faith have less than 100 members, Flynt said each house of faith would get roughly 50 to 100 poor people for whom it would be responsible.
"We won't have to have Medicaid, Medicare, Social Security, taxes of any kind... We can abolish taxes. We can abolish the IRS. And all you have to do is for your congregation to adopt 50 to 100 poor people, and mentor them, and love them, and educate them, and nurture them," said Flynt.
To those who have been given much, more will be added.Thanks to the Center for American Progress for the chart.
Those who have done without will do with less.
The Waltons and other super-rich Arkansans have for some time assailed the state's public schools and encouraged the formation of more charter schools. They're cheered on by the state's largest newspaper, the Arkansas Democrat-Gazette, whose publisher, Walter Hussman, is another antagonist of public schools and teachers' unions. The Walton Family Foundation also has a senior officer, Naccaman Williams, in a place where he regularly influences school policy in Arkansas as chairman of the state Board of Education. He has said he sees no conflict in acting on school-choice matters the board considers.
There now exists, according to a United States Air Force Academy cadet who recently wrote to the Military Religious Freedom Foundation (MRFF; www.militaryreligiousfreedom.org), an “underground” group of over one hundred Academy cadets who, in order to maintain good standing among their USAF Academy peers and superiors, are actually pretending to be fundamentalist Christians. They leave Bibles, Christian literature, and Christian music CDs lying around their rooms; they attend fundamentalist Christian Bible studies; they feign devoutness at the Academy’s weekly “Special Programs in Religious Education” (SPIRE) programs. They do whatever they have to do to play the role of the “right kind” of Christian cadets, in constant fear of being “outed.”In the long run, the activities of the aggressively evangelistic Christians who have been in charge of the Airforce Academy will do nothing but undermine genuine faith. Real faith is not the product of a coercive and oppressive atmosphere.
In our tradition we find both the personal and communal elements of biblical faith; we find a believer’s church that preserves a place for unfettered individual conscience.
As historians of the Baptist story, we pledge anew our commitment to the vibrant Baptist witness of freedom that is responsive to the authoritative Scriptures and under the Lordship of Christ. We pledge anew our commitment to the relevance of Baptist identity for the twenty-first century.
RAZ: David Stockman, let me ask you about the idea of making the Bush tax cuts permanent. Some economic analysts have said that if you do that, that by the year 2020, the government wouldn't have enough money to spend on anything except for Medicare, Social Security and defense if it's lucky. Do you think that sounds about right?
Mr. STOCKMAN: Yes, I do. We couldn't afford the Bush tax cuts when they were put in in 2001, 2003. Now, we're - eight years later, we're trillions in additional debt later, we're two unfinanced wars later, we're a trillion dollars of stimulus spending later, 800 billion of TARP, so it's pretty obvious if we couldn't afford them back then, in no way, shape or form can we even dream about affording them now.
RAZ: Do you think President Obama is being honest with the voters?
Mr. STOCKMAN: No, I don't think he is at all. I think when he said no taxes on the middle-class or on anyone below 250,000, he was being totally disingenuous. That's most of the people in the country. Sure, there...
RAZ: You're saying he has to raise their taxes as well?
Mr. STOCKMAN: Sure, absolutely. He should tell them, we're going to raise all your taxes because that's the only way we can support all these programs that I want to keep. He's for, you know, everything we have in the budget today, and a lot of it is meritorious and a lot of isn't. This president who ran on the ticket that I, you know, change you can believe in. I'm going to tell you -tell it to you like it is, can possible take that no tax pledge and then support all of this spending and all of this stimulus, just doesn't add up.
RAZ: Are you worried?
Mr. STOCKMAN: Yes, I'm very worried about it because I thought it would never come to this. When I was in the White House in the Budget Office in the early '80s, we had the deficit breakout, 100 billion or 200 billion. Admittedly, the economy was smaller then, but it was still four or 5 percent of GDP.
Here we are today with a deficit that's 10 percent of GDP and it doesn't look like there's any prospect that it's going to decline at any time soon or any willingness to even acknowledge the problem and address it. The idea that the economy is weak, and so we have to wait two or three years, is just an excuse.
The economy is weak because of our irresponsible fiscal and monetary policies over the last 10, 20 or even 30 years. And it's going to keep getting weaker unless we face up to the problem. So, yes, it's the chicken and egg. If we cut spending and raise taxes, it may slow down the economy even more, but that's unfortunately the choice that we face.
Dan: . . . Let me ask first, you said you had some sympathies with that post-liberal project. Do you tend toward that Hauerwas and Yoder stream of alternative witnesswithin the church?
Walter: Yup, yup, I'm very much influenced by that. What I learned from Doug Hall...a Canadian Reformed theologian. What he said was that the Hauerwas line calls you to withdraw from society. And Doug said that for Reformed people, withdrawal from society is correct, but it's a first move and the second move that Hauerwas does not make, is to move back into society with transformative energy. So disengagement and re-engagement, and I think it's right for our Reformed tradition.
Dan: Right. It's absolutely fascinating how—just to do the intellectual history for a moment—how that comes out of that kind of Swiss and lower German reformation, and not Lutheranism. But it persists and it comes through the Evangelical and Reformed Church, among other places—and the Congregationalists pick up on it in their own way.
It's funny to me, because I think Hauerwas would resist that idea of withdrawing from society very much. He'd say, "No, no, we're not withdrawing, we're engaging in a different way."
Walter: But insofar as he appeals to the Mennonite tradition of Yoder, it is to some extent a withdrawal: we don't participate in the political process. I understand, you maintain another kind of presence, but yeah.
How do you think Williams’ would respond to the current assertion made by some religious conservatives that the United States is a “Christian” country?
He thought that the ideology of “Christian nation” was the worst kind of idolatry. and denied the idea on the spot, suggesting that there are no Christian nations, only Christian people, bound to Christ by repentance and faith, not by nationality. He rejected the idea that the state should privilege any single religious voice. At the same time, he was an unabashed sectarian, fighting over theological fine points with anyone who came along including the Quakers. He did not hesitate to disagree with those whose religious views differed from his own, but he was willing for them to be his neighbors.
Williams is known for coining the term “soul liberty.” How does this concept inform the formation of the First Amendment?
I’d prefer to speak of liberty of conscience that, from Williams’ perspective begins with the idea of uncoerced faith. Williams is no secularist. He was a person of faith, highly sectarian faith, that put great emphasis on the sovereignty of God as the center of the universe. Williams and other sectarians of his time—especially Baptists—believed that the church is to be composed of believers only—those who can claim an experience of grace in their hearts. Efforts to thwart divine activity in drawing people to faith—to usurp the work of the Spirit by enforcing certain faith perspectives—were human creations that were unacceptable. God alone is judge of conscience, and therefore neither state nor established church can (in terms of salvation) judge the conscience of the heretic (the people they think believe the wrong things) or the atheist (the people who believe nothing at all).
Conscience should be free under God to act on its own without state sanctions. Such secular sanctions destroyed or undermined faith, rather than enhance it. Williams anticipates religious pluralism on the basis of uncoerced faith, not secularism, years before John Locke’s more secular approach to such questions.
We affirm the freedom and right of every Christian to interpret and apply scripture under the leadership of the Holy Spirit. We affirm the freedom and responsibility of every person to relate directly to God without the imposition of creed, the control of clergy or the interference of government.The proposed revision of these documents deletes the emphasis on the individual and on liberty of conscience. These are replaced with an emphasis on the priority and authority of the community:
3. We confess that the Christian faith is best understood and experienced within the community of God’s people who are called to be priests to one another.and diminish church autonomy?
4. We confess that under the Lordship of Christ each congregation is free and responsible to discern the mind of Christ and to order its common life accordingly.Article five could present a threat to the continued autonomy of the congregation if the church chooses to surrender its autonomy as it seeks unity with others:
5. We confess that through the Holy Spirit we experience interdependence with other believers and congregations who follow Christ, and we seek the unity of the church for which he prayed.Autonomous churches are free to use their autonomy to surrender their autonomy.